Likened with other democracies, the United States has a much-devolved government structure. The framers of the constitution of the United States were exceedingly cautious of the possible risks of focusing power in whichever solitary political entity, and so intentionally accepted to distribute authority amongst different levels and branches of government. The devolved American structure gaps with the stringent majoritarian classical of democracy, which states that the government must ratify legislation and trail strategies that are promptly responsive to what the majority of the citizens want.

The American classical of democratic government, pluralist democracy, has several advantages over the majoritarian classical, and these mirror the forefathers’ vision for America. Pluralist democracy needs the power of the government to be distributed and the authority to be devolved (Lewis, 300). Based on this classical, democracy is in existence when the authority of the government is shared amongst manifold centers of power that are exposed to interests of several groups, for instance, coal companies vs. environmentalists, farmers vs. food stores, and labor vs. management. Such groups rival against one another in a pluralistic society.

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The distribution of authority in the pluralist model inhibits the government from taking rushed, probably impulsive action, but it similarly inhibits whichever action if crucial centers of power fail to agree. Even though decentralization of power exemplifies American government, certain institutional aspects tend to consolidate power, allowing the government to take action even without universal consensus on policy. This essay describes how the core features of the U.S. political structure contribute to solving the problem of American consumerism.

Decentralizing Aspects

Several aspects of the political system of America uphold the decentralization of power. Four of the utmost essential aspects entrenched in the constitution are the electoral systems, a bicameral congress with chambers of equal weight, separation of powers, and federalism.

  1. Electoral Systems

The United States has two electoral systems, one for the members of the Congress and one for the president. Both systems add to the decentralization of power. The presidential election is not a federal election that a contestant wins by taking a bulk of the popular vote across the country. It is a national election that grants the presidency to the contestant who gains a mainstream (270) of 538 voters in the Electoral College (Kronebusch, 774). States have one electoral vote for each of their voters, and every state has electors equal to the number of seats in the Congress. The smallest states have just three electoral votes. The biggest state, California, has 55. Electorates in presidential polls factually vote for party tabs of electors in every state. After the poll, the electors in every state meet in their state capitols to select the president. A contestant who gains a plurality of the vote of a state gains electors from every state. Thus, presidential contestants decentralize their campaigns, aiming them at distinct states, not the country at large.

The electoral system for congress similarly promotes decentralization. Many other democracies choose legislators using comparative polling; ballots are cast for parties, and legislative seats are granted relative to the party vote. The U.S. chooses congress members using mainstream voting; multiple contestants vie for one seat, and the seat is taken by the contestant who gains the most votes. Since they gain office through triumphing polls individually, congress members provide for their districts and states to be re-elected, which motivates them to serve regional welfares if they rival with federal welfares.


  1. A Bicameral Congress

Decentralization of power in the legislative procedure of the U.S. is broadened by a bicameral congress. Several countries similarly have bicameral legislatures, legislatures with dual boardrooms, usually referred to as upper and lower houses, but few nations have dual chambers that are practically equal in power. The house of representatives succeeds as the lower house since its 435 members are chosen from districts based on the size of the population. the smaller Senate with 100 members succeeds as the upper house since its members should be older, at best 30 likened with 25 for the lower house, and are chosen in taken aback footings from each of the 50 states, irrespective of the population.

Based on the constitution, the dual chambers do have small disparities in powers. All revenue bills should emanate in the house, and only the Senate commends presidential appointments and treaties. These disparities weaken in contrast with their equal powers in passing legislation. Prior to a bill being presented before the president for approval, it should go through every chamber in a duplicate form. Thus, power is not concentrated in a single chamber more than the other, as in many countries, but allocated equally to every chamber.

  1. Separation of Powers

The constitution formed a system that divided political powers amongst three sections of government. It devoted all legislative powers to the Congress, the executive power to the president, and the judicial power to a supreme court and in subordinate courts instituted by Congress. Additionally, the constitution decentralized authority, even more, creating methods by which every branch can check the other branches. This intricate separation of powers adds to the decentralization of government authority in the U.S. the president might suggest a governmental agenda but congressional legislation is normally necessitated to implement an agenda into a decree. Even then, the Supreme Court has the authority to oppose the decree if it is presented in court. Implementing permanent decree in the U.S. is an intricate procedure. Lawmaking is simpler in countries with parliamentary systems, which are way very common amongst the democracies of the world. The prevailing coalition or party in parliament normally passes legislation suggested by government ministers, and utmost courts have restricted power to annul the legislation.

  1. Federalism

The constitution makers substituted the confederation classical of government with a federal classical. While the Articles of Confederation pledged a permanent Union of states that reserved their liberation, liberty, and sovereignty, the constitution fails to mention sovereignty. It starts, “we the citizens of the United States”, meaning that the new government represented people instead of the states. Under the idea of federalism, two or more ranks of government practice authority and power over the same individuals and the same territory.  For instance, the federal government offers protection against foreign foes whereas state governments practice police power, protecting the peoples’ welfare, safety, morals, and health. The federal government could act in these scopes only with state collaboration. The federal government may provide finances for state highways constructed to federal standards, or give finances for education if state schools adhered to specific procedures. Since the police powers are decentralized amongst the states, the power of the federal government is confined in constructing highways, enhancing schools, or in controlling criminal punishment, divorce, and marriage cases, all of which, amongst other issues, are decentralized under federal regulation.

Centralizing Aspects

The electoral system, bicameralism, separation of powers, and federalism all add to the decentralization of power in the U.S., which serves the exemplary of pluralist democracy. Separating political authority, nonetheless, carries threats that government might be incapable of acting at all or will act to serve the welfares of ordered minorities instead of the majority of the citizens. As earlier stated, the constitution framers were fundamentally concerned with checking and dividing the authority of the government. In due course, particular institutional amends occurred that they might not have projected, and which added to a bigger centralization of the authority of the government. These amends are the Supreme Court, the two-party system, and the presidency.

  1. The Supreme Court

The constitution framers provided for a supreme court but failed to have a clear image of how it would operate in their new government. Its explanation in Article III comprises of lesser than 400 words and does not state a lot on the power of the court. In 1803, the court in an undisputed decision affirmed the power of the judicial review, the power to review laws approved by Congress to ascertain if they are concurrent with the constitution of the U.S. (Cain, 296). Due to this pronouncement, the status of the court rose in the political system. It similarly gave the court the final word on contentious government action. The court has added to the centralization of power by acting as the ultimate arbiter of decisions in a system of separated powers.

  1. The Two-Party System

Politics were non-existent in 1787. Actually, the constitution granted the presidency to the contestant who gained a majority of the electoral ballots and the vice-presidency to the runners-up. Two party clusters had made up the Congress by the polls of 1796, and they backed conflicting presidential contestants. The winner, who was a federalist, had to consent his rival, a democratic republican, as his vice-president. A constitutional change in 1804 appreciated the emergence of parties be mandating that electors vote distinctively for vice-president and president, which resulted in party tickets for the two offices. Furthermore, the development of rival parties in both Congress houses inspired synchronization amid the chambers. The party that claimed the president upheld synchronization amid Congress and the presidency. That just two parties have ruled the politics of America for most of its account similarly adds to the centralization of power. American politics spins around the republican and democratic parties, which serve otherwise in opposition or in government. Since minor parties exert very little power in the U.S., the two-party system adds to the centralization of power.

  1. The Presidency

The constitution framers dedicated over 2,200 words to the legislative branch in Article I. They designate the executive branch with less than 1,000 words in Article II. The presidency was considered by the mainstream of the framers fundamentally as an administrative office required to implement laws made and approved by Congress. In the long run, nevertheless, the presidency became the core focus of the American government. The president now states federal objectives, suggests legislation to attain those objectives, sends Congress a budget to finance federal legislation, and, certainly, speaks for the country on global matters. Reacting to international and national disasters, presidents have, normally with the collaboration of Congress, broadened the powers of the office so that now it is the entity most responsive to federal public view. In that respect, the presidency operates more in upholding the majoritarian classical of democracy.



Since power is much decentralized amongst government branches, the U.S. structure could be said to fall short of the premier average of majoritarian democracy. Due to the decentralization of power, nevertheless, the United States commendably satisfies the gold average of pluralist democracy, which adopts manifold centers of power. The U.S. political system is open to rival groups pursuing to be heard in the democratic course, and perhaps produces policy results that, in due time, more efficiently take the concerns and interests of various groups into consideration than do systems based on the stringent majoritarian principles. Thus, a pluralist classical of democracy would best solve the issue of American consumerism.

Works Cited

Cain, Bruce E. “Yes, American Government Is Too Open.” Governance, vol. 29, no. 3, July 2016, pp. 295–297. EBSCOhost, doi:10.1111/gove.12205.

Kronebusch, Philip. “The Other Rights Revolution: Conservative Lawyers and the Remaking of American Government.” Political Science Quarterly (Wiley-Blackwell), vol. 132, no. 4, Winter 2017, pp. 774–775. EBSCOhost, doi:10.1002/polq.12712.

Lewis, Charles. “No, American Government Is Not Too Open.” Governance, vol. 29, no. 3, July 2016, pp. 299–301. EBSCOhost, doi:10.1111/gove.12203.



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